Friday 14 August 2009

Dhakeshwari Temple in Dhaka




Dhakeshwari Temple in Dhaka


Dhakeshwari Temple in Dhaka is an 11th-century Hindu temple in Dhaka and the most well-liked place of Hindu worship in Bangladesh. "Dhakeshwari" means "Goddess of Dhaka". The temple is located southwest of the Salimullah Hall of Dhaka University. This is the national temple of Bangladesh.


Name: Dhakeshwari Jatiya Mandir


Date built: 12th Century CE
Primary deity: Dhakeshwari
Architecture: Sena
Location: Dhaka



The origin of the Dhakeshwari temple is obscure. According to popular legend, the original temple was built in 12th century by Ballal Sen, a king of the Sena dynasty. The Sena dynasty ruled Bengal through the 11th and 12th centuries. They were called Brahma-Kshatriyas.
Bengal is a historical and geographical region in the northeast of South Asia. Today it is mainly divided between the independent sovereign nation of the Bangladesh and the state of West Bengal in India.


The style of architecture of the temple cannot be assigned to that period. Furthermore, sand and lime, the mortar used in the building, came to be used in Bengal after Muslim conquest. Moreover, Abul Fazl, in his ain-i-akbari, has not mentioned anything about this temple, though he has given vivid description of each and every notable object in his chapter on the survey of ten subahs. Had this temple existed in his time, it was expected that it would find mention in his survey. On the other hand the three-domed roof and three arched entrances and the plastered walls of the temple strongly suggest that it was built in the Mughal style. Bhattasali also did not consider the sculpture of the deity to be very old.


On the other hand the architectural and structural features of the temple indicate its builder to be someone who had very little influence on the culture of Bengal. Many of the features, such as the existence of a large tank, banian tree, garden, matha, resting-place and ashrama for sannyasis, and the practice of allowing one and all inside the temple suggest similarity to Arakanese religion and religious practices. The existence of twin deities - the ten-armed female deity known as Dhakeshwari and the four armed male deity known as Vasudeva - suggests the affinity with Tantric Buddhism of the Maghs.


It must be said that there is another explanation of the name. The deity was found hidden underneath the earth and hence the name. Legends ascribe the construction of the temple to Ballala sena, the Sena king, who found the deity and constructed a temple for it.


Thus it appears that the origin of the Dhakeshwari temple is shrouded in mystery. In the beginning of the 20th century Bradley Birt wrote that the temple is more than 200 years old and a Hindu agent of the east india company built it.


The Dhakeshwari temple is a complex of several temples and ancillary buildings. The complex has an inner-quarter on the east and an outer-quarter on the west. In the inner quarter stand the main temple, the nat mandir in front of it and other structures. In the outer quarter stand a few temples, one panthashala and a few rooms. On the western side there is a large tank with north - south elongation with walking-path all around. A very old banian tree stands on the southeastern corner of the tank. There are a few tombs of sadhus to the east of the rest-rooms and the tank.


There are four small temples of same size and shape on the northeastern corner of the tank, which stand one after another from east to west. Each of them is built on a high plinth and approached by a flight of steps. The stairs of the eastern-most temple is made of marble. These temples with shikhara are square in plan and their roof was constructed in six gradually receding tiers with lotus and kalasa finials on top. Each of these is entered through narrow arched openings, one each on all sides except the north. There exists a projected band on linear decoration, and in between this band and the domical roof the walls are decorated with panels of semi-circular cusped arches. Each of the temples has a shiva linga inside.


The main temple is situated in the inner quarter on the east. A wall separates this quarter from the outer wall and entered through a monumental gateway, a bell adorns its top. In the ground of the inner quarter stands a marble altar for puja-offerings. The nat-mandir stands in front (or to the south) of the main temple and in its centre there is a place for bali. To its south stands the yajna mandir with a yajna-kunda.


To the north of the nat-mandir stands the main temple facing south. It is a three-roomed structure with a veranda in front having beautiful wooden doors with curving of different motifs, both sculptural and floral. The veranda in front of the central room, which is rectangular, is entered by three slightly pointed multi-cusped arches on three heavy pillars. The veranda in this section has marble floor and is covered over by a vaulted roof. The veranda in front of the eastern room, square in shape, is entered through semi-circular arched entrances, while the western veranda, also square, is entered by a simple doorway. The central room has a vaulted roof, while the side rooms are covered with flat roof on wooden beams. The spandrel of the arch in the central room is decorated with six lions. Merlon decorations are placed above the curved cornice.


The three rooms of the main temple are crowned with domical-sikhara roof, the sikhara over the central room is much higher and bigger than the flanking ones. The roof over each room is constructed in four gradually receding tiers, the lowest tier has a somewhat chau-chala look, and the upper three appear to be in the shape of north-Indian canopies. The two side-rooms of the central temple contain black basalt shiva-linga, one in each and the male four-armedand the female ten-armed (Dhakeshwari or Durga) deities adorn the central room. It is said that earlier the female deity was made of pure gold.


The temple complex has undergone repairs, renovation and rebuilding in its long years of existence and its present condition does not clearly show any of its original architectural characteristics.


In 1996, Dhakeshwari Temple was renamed Dhakeshwari Jatiya Mandir (National Temple) reflecting its position as the center of Hindu culture and worship in Bangladesh.


Dhakeshwari Temple is a focal point of socio-cultural as well as religious activity. Every year the largest celebration of Durga Puja in Dhaka is held at the National Temple. Bijaya Sammelani takes place in the adjoining parade ground a few days after Durga Puja is complete, and is also a major cultural event in the Dhaka calendar, regularly attracting some of the top performers from the Dhaka music and film industry.


One of the most important events of the year is the Janmashthami convoy which starts from Dhakeshwari temple and then proceeds through the streets of Old Dhaka. This occurs on the day of the Lord Krishna's birthday which is also a national holiday in Bangladesh and second only to Durga Puja in importance in the Bengali Hindu calendar.


Concerts and charity drives (such as flood relief) are also a regular fixture within the temple throughout the year. Each year, Dhakeshwari Temple hosts major blood drives and inoculation programs which are open to all residents of Dhaka city.

Tuesday 11 August 2009

Muslin









Photo caption : Muslin cloth


Muslin

Muslin a brand name of pre-colonial Bengal textile, especially of Dhaka origins. Muslin was manufactured in the city of Dhaka and in some surrounding stations, by local skill with locally produced cotton and attained world-wide fame as the Dhaka Muslin.

Muslin clothes were traded by ancient Greeks from the East Indian port town Masulipatam, known as Maisolos and Masalia in ancient times and the name 'Muslin' originated from the name Maisolos. Another view was that the fabric was named after the city where Europeans first encountered it, Mosul, in what is now Iraq, but the fabric actually originated from Dhaka in what is now Bangladesh. In the 9th century, an Arab merchant named Sulaiman makes note of the material's origin in Bengal (known as Ruhml in Arabic).

In 1298 C.E. Marco Polo describes the cloth Muslin in his book The Travels. He said that it is made in Mosul, (Iraq) and sold by merchants who were called "Musolini."

The word muslin is also used colloquially. In the United Kingdom, many sheer cotton fabrics are called muslin, while in the United States, muslin sometimes refers to a firm cloth for everyday use, which in the UK is known as calico.

In British slang, muslin used to refer to women or femininity, while in nautical slang, muslin can refer to a vessel's sails.

The textile industry of Bengal is very old. Bengal cotton fabrics were exported to the Roman and the Chinese empires and they are mentioned in Ptolemy's Geography and the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, and by the ancient Chinese travelers. But Dhaka Muslin became famous and attracted foreign and transmarine buyers after the establishment of the Mughal capital at Dhaka. The Muslin industry of Dhaka received patronage from the Mughal emperors and the Mughal nobility. A huge quantity of the finest sort of Muslin was procured for the use of the Mughal emperors, provincial governors and high officers and nobles. In the great 1851 Exhibition of London, Dhaka Muslin occupied a prominent place, attracted a large number of visitors and the British Press spoke very highly of the marvelous Muslin fabrics of Dhaka.

Dhaka Muslin was in great demand in the national and international markets. The traders were active at Dhaka. Local businessmen procured the cotton goods from the Adangs or manufacturing stations and sent them to Dhaka, where foreign buyers were ready with cash in hand. The foreign traders came from far-off countries like Arabia, Iran, Armenia, in the west, and China, Malaya, Java in the east. Some traders were busy in inter-provincial trade, while others sent the Muslin to countries outside India. The government officials procured various types of Muslin, which they sent to Delhi for the use of emperors and ministers. When the capital was transferred to Murshidabad, the Muslins meant for the subahdar, diwan and other aristocratic people (like the banker Jagat Sheth) were sent there. In the 17th century, the European companies came and established their settlements in Bengal.

The finest sort of Muslin was made of phuti cotton, which was grown in certain localities on the banks of the Brahmaputra and her branches. The other kinds of cotton called bairait and desee were inferior and were produced in different parts of Dhaka and neighbouring areas; they were used for manufacturing slightly inferior and course clothes. The persons connected with the manufacture of cloth, from the cleaner to the maker of thread and the person who did the actual weaving, belonged to a family of weavers, or if the family was small two to three families joined together to manufacture the cloth.

The Muslin industry of Dhaka declined after the battle of palashi, 1757; by the end of the 18th century, the export of Dhaka Muslin came down to almost half of that of 1747, and by the middle of the 19th century was valued at less than ten lakh Rupees. The decline of Dhaka Muslin was due to loss of patronage from the Mughal emperors, nawabs and other high officials. The Mughals not only lost their power and prestige but also their buying and spending capacity. With the establishment of the east india company's monopoly over the trade of Bengal after the battle of Palashi, the trade of other European companies and traders belonging to other nationals practically came to a stop. But the most important cause of decline and the ultimate extinction of the Muslin industry was the industrial revolution in England, which introduced modern inventions in manufacture. The costly Dhaka cotton goods, particularly the Muslin, lost in competition with the cheap industrial products of England.

The finest sort of Muslin was called Malmal, sometimes mentioned as Malmal Shahi or Malmal Khas by foreign travellers. It was costly, and the weavers spent a long time, sometimes six months, to make a piece of this sort. It was used by emperors, nawabs etc. Muslins procured for emperors were called Malbus Khas and those procured for nawabs were called Sarkar-i-Ala. The Mughal government appointed an officer, Darogah or Darogah-i-Malbus Khas to supervise the manufacture of Muslins meant for the emperor or a nawab. The Malmal was also procured for the diwan and other high officers and for jagat sheth, the great banker. Muslins other than Malmal were exported by the traders, or some portion was used locally.

In Advantages of wearing Muslin Dresses! (1802), James Gillray caricatured a hazard of untreated muslin: its flammability.
Marie Antoinette, in 1783, in her famous "muslin" portraitWhen sewing clothing, a dressmaker may test the fit of a garment, using an inexpensive muslin fabric before cutting the intended expensive fabric, thereby avoiding potential costly mistakes. The muslin garment is often called a "muslin", and the process is called "making a muslin". With the availability of inexpensive synthetic fabrics, which closely resemble the hand (drape and feel) of expensive natural fabrics, a test or fitting garment made of synthetics may still be referred to as a muslin, because the word has become the generic term for a test or fitting garment.

Muslin can also be used as a filter in a funnel when decanting fine wine or port to prevent sediment from entering the decanter; and in cooking, is the material for the traditional cloth used when making a Christmas pudding. It is also used in the cheese making process to drain the curd.

Muslin is also often used as a backing or lining for quilts, and thus can often be found in wide widths in the quilting sections of fabric stores.

Muslin is often the cloth of choice for theater sets. It is helpful in masking the background of sets and helping to establish the mood or feel of different scenes. It can be painted to look like countless different settings, and if treated properly it can become semi-translucent.

It also holds dyes very well. It is often used to create night time scenes, because when it is dyed, it often gets a waved look with the color varying slightly such that it resembles a night sky. Muslin shrinks after it is painted, but it is widely used because it makes for a great paint surface.

Muslin is the most common backdrop material used by photographers for formal portrait backgrounds. It is usually painted, most often with an abstract mottled pattern.

In the early days of silent film making, up until the late 1920s, movie studios did not have the elaborate lights needed to illuminate indoor sets, so most interior scenes were sets built outdoors with large pieces of muslin hanging overhead to diffuse the lighting.

Muslin gauze has also found a use in cerebrovascular neurosurgery. It is wrapped circumferentially around aneurysms or intracranial vessels at risk for bleeding.[5] The thought is that the gauze reinforces the artery and helps prevent rupture. It is often used for aneurysms that, due to their size or shape, cannot be microsurgically clipped or coiled.

Formerly Europe used to get the Muslin through Iranian and Armenian merchants, but with the coming of the European companies and the establishment of their settlements in Bengal the export of Dhaka Muslin increased enormously. The volume of the export trade of the European companies increased year to year, so much so that they had to establish settlements and factories at Dhaka proper to feed the increased volume of trade. The imports of European companies had no local markets, so the companies imported hard cash, bullion, to meet the growing demand of Bengal, and particularly of Dhaka. Available estimates show that in 1747 the export of Dhaka cotton goods, including those procured for the emperor, nawab etc was valued at rupees twenty-eight lakh and a half.

Friday 7 August 2009

Buriganga River













Photo caption : Buriganga river pictures.....



Buriganga River

Buriganga River a tide-influenced river passing through west and south of Dhaka City. This river is the main river flowing beside Dhaka city, capital of Bangladesh. The average depth is 39 feet and maximum depth is 93 feet.

History






There is a traditional story behind naming it. In ancient times one course of the ganges used to reach the bay of bengal through dhaleshwari. This course gradually shifted and ultimately lost its link with the main channel of the Ganges and was renamed as the Buriganga. The water levels during high and low tides in this river astonished the Mughals.

The Buriganga originated from the Dhaleshwari near Kalatia. Its average width and depth are 400m and 10m respectively. This river is only 27 km long. The turag has joined the Buriganga at Kamrangirchar of Dhaka City. In fact, the main flow of the Buriganga comes from the Turag. It meets with the Dhaleshwari at munshiganj. The present head of the Buriganga near Chhaglakandi has silted up and opens only during floods, but the lower part is still open throughout the year. The downstream junction with the Dhaleshwari fluctuates from time to time according to changes in the position of the latter river; at present it lies about 3.22 km southwest of Fatullah. Its course by Dhaka is stable, fixed by the resistant clays marking the southern edge of the madhupur tract.

Bangladesh's historic Buriganga river used to be a must for visiting dignitaries but these days they are confronted with foul smells and rotting fish resulting from massive pollution.

Hundreds of years ago, the banks of the Buriganga were a prime location when the Mughals made Dhaka their capital in 1610. The house-turned-museum of the Nawab (ruler) overlooks the river, which is the country's main waterway for trading and ferry travel. It was once the main source of drinking water for Dhaka's residents and an hour downstream from the capital city the river is still crystal clear.

Although the history of Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, dates back to the 7th century, the city didn’t become prominent until 17th century. It flourished as a provincial capital of the Mughal Empire in 1610 AD and became a major trading port, attracting merchants and travelers through ages from England, Holland, France, and other parts of the world. Dhaka grew up on the banks of the river Buriganga.

Now, however, the waters of the once beautiful river are an environmental disaster, heavily polluted with human sewage and industrial waste. It is black and foul-smelling.


Economic significance

The Buriganga is economically very important to Dhaka. Launches and Country Boats provide connection to the other parts of Bangladesh, a largely riverine country. Due to siltation, large steamers can no longer go through the river channel in the dry season. In 1989, a bridge was built over the river for vehicles and pedestrians. In 2001, a second bridge over the river was built at Babubazar for vehicles and pedestrians.

The Buriganga and her mother river Dhaleswari connect Dhaka to the other rivers and through them with almost all the districts of Bangladesh. Sadarghat, a large quay on the river Buriganga, is the gateway to the capital city from the southern districts of the country.
The Buriganga is of great economic importance to Dhaka as well as Bangladesh. Historically, it has been always a hub for commercial activities. It has always been busy, vibrant, and full of life.






Problems






According to the Environment Department, up to 40,000 tonnes of tannery waste flows into the river daily along with sewage from Dhaka, a city of more than 10 million. Human waste is responsible for 60 percent of pollution in the river, followed by industrial waste at 30 percent. The rest is solid waste.

Illegal structures have sprung up along its banks, narrowing the river and adding to the dirt, while ferries spill oil into its waters.

"It is a poisonous river now and dying, but if we could implement existing laws it would a go a long way to help the river survive," said environmentalist Philip Gain of the Society for Environment and Human Development NGO. "We have no choice but to save the river at any cost."

Waterflow in the Buriganga is low except during the monsoon season. During this flood period the river is "flushed" every year. It gets progressively worse until the next monsoons.

Land grabbing is a serious issue in Dhaka. The Buriganga is also a casualty. River land is "reclaimed" and built upon. This river bed loss of course means a narrower river bed which exacerbates flooding.

In an effort to reduce flooding, the river is often dredged. Ironically, this results in the branching rivers and canals to dry up, which are subjected to further land grabbing.

The Independent newspaper recently complained that the government was doing nothing to clean up the river. "The government's inaction is as incomprehensible as it is painful," it said in an editorial.

Government adopted a plan to maintain the navigability and normal flow of Buriganga and remove all illegal structures on its banks.

Water pollution in the River Buriganga is as its highest. The most significant source of pollution appears to be from tanneries in the Hazaribagh area. In the dry season, the dissolved oxygen level becomes very low or non-existent and the river becomes toxic.

Wednesday 5 August 2009

Kantaji Temple in Dinajpur




















Caption : Kantaji Temple's pictures.




Kantaji Temple in Dinajpur

Kantaji Temple is a famous temple in Bangladesh. It boasts one of the greatest examples on Terracotta architecture in Bangladesh. It is situated in Dinajpur district at Kantanagar village, about 12 miles north of Dinajpur town & a mile west of Dinajpur Tetulia highway across the Dhepa river. Kantanagar Temple an eighteenth century brick temple. This temple is famous for its wonderful terracotta embellishment.

This nava-ratna or 'nine spired' Hindu temple, now stripped off its original nine spires atop its corners during the devastating earthquake of 1897, exhibits the exuberance of terracotta art at its best in Bangladesh.




Name : Kantaji Temple
Creator : Maharaja Ramnath
Date built : 1752
Primary deity : Krishna
Architecture : Nava-ratna
Location : Dinajpur, Bangladesh


The confusion about the date of its construction can be settled from the record of a chronogram in the Sanskrit stone inscription, fixed on the northeast corner plinth of the temple. It records that Maharaja Pran nath of Dinajpur began its construction about 1722. It was completed by his adopted son Maharaja Ram nath in 1752 AD in order to propitiate the consort of Rukmini in fulfillment of his father's wish. However, in the early 20th century Maharaja Girijanath Bahadur restored it substantially, except for the missing nine spires.

This wonderful pyramidal temple rose in three retreating terraces and was crowned with nine ornamental spires or ratnas (jewels) on the corner of the three terraces which imparted to it an appearance of a huge ratha or an ornate chariot resting on a high plinth.

The 52´-0´´ square temple stands in the centre of an oblong court (240´×120´) enclosed by a pilgrim shed with a corrugated tin roof. Its main fabric pivots around a nuclear square cell (10´-3´´), shooting up to a height of about 50´ above its 3´-3´´ high plinth of stone, believed to have been quarried from the ancient ruins of Bannagar near Gangarampur in Dinajpur. Three other square outer shells in graded heights have been added to it, as much to variegate the plan as to strengthen the central cella which carry atop a massive tower. The other eight ornamental towers, now missing, occupied the eight roof corners of the lower two stories. The curved cornice of the ground floor, sharply drooping at the corners, rise in the middle to a height of 25´-0´´ from the plinth, while that of the first floor rises to 15´ and that of the second floor to 6´-6´´. There are small square cells at each of the four corners of the ground and first floors for supporting the heavy load of the ornate octagonal corner towers above. The temple accommodates four rectangular corridors on the ground floor around the prayer chamber measuring 30´-8´´×5´-0´´ and 15´-6´´×4´-4´´. On the ground floor, there are three multi- cusped arched entrances on each side, each separated by two richly decorated brick pillars. The number of arched doorways in the ground floor disposed in its four shells is 21; that of the first floor is 27. The reduced second floor has only three entrance doors and three windows. A narrow strip of staircase, merely 2´-3´´ wide, built into the western second corridor, winds up through its dark passage to the first, second, and third stories.

Terracotta Decoration Every available inch of its wall surface from the base to the crest of its three stories, both inside and out, pulsates with an amazing profusion of figured and floral art in unbroken succession. The vast array of subject matter include the stories of the mahabharata (Mahabharata) and the ramayana (Ramayana), the exploits of Krishna, and a series of extremely fascinating contemporary social scenes depicting the favourite pastimes of the landed aristocracy. The astonishing profusion, delicacy of modeling, and the beauty of its carefully integrated friezes have seldom been surpassed by any mural art of its kind in Bengal. However, even in its bewildering abundance of diverse motifs, one can observe a carefully arranged thematic scheme in the composition of subject matters at different levels and spaces on the temple wall.

Mythological scenes on the third register depict the nativity of Krsna; the demon King Kangsa; successive attempts to kill the infant Krsna; Krsna's killing of the Putana ogress and the Bakasura or crane-demon; the lifting of Govardhana mountain, the killing of Keshi; the quelling of the snake-demon, Kaliya, and Krsna's pleasure ride on a long slim boat with revellers. The south face of the temple also presents stories from the Ramayana in a somewhat confused sequence. Ramayana stories continue on the east face. Here the exile of Ramachandra, Sita, and Laksmana in the Panchavati forest; Laksmana's striking off the nose of Shurpanakha; the abduction of Sita by Ravana from Dandakaranya; Jatayu's futile attempt to obstruct the chariot of Ravana; the captivity of Sita in Ashoka Forest; the fight between Bali and Sugriva with their monkey followers for the throne of Kiskindhya; Ramachandra's sapta tala veda and Sugriva with his monkey followers and their palaver with Ramachandra are shown in striking details.

The north face predominantly portrays scenes of Krishna and Balarama. Thus Krishna’s various marriages and cowgirls carrying milk and curd pots in shika (string bags) suspended from pole etc are shown. In the second register an interesting European battle ship is depicted in great details with soldiers and a cannon.

The entire western face of the third register depicts various episodes from the Krishna legend, ending in the slaying of Kangsa, the demon king of Mathura. It includes the annihilation of Kuvalayapida, the monstrous killer elephant of Kangsa; and Radha's fainting fits on her failing to dissuade Krishna from participating in Kangsa's sport tournament in Mathura. Of particular interest is a group of cowherds carrying milk and butter in string bags, suspended from a pole on shoulder, which is still a familiar scene in rural Bengal.

The elaborate panels over the spandrels of multi-cusped arches exhibit animated battle scenes from the great epics and also rasa-mandala, with dancing Radha-Krsna couple within circles, and a host of accessory figures. The spirited battle scenes of Kuruksetra and Lanka are depicted with great vitality and invention by the folk artists.

However, one distinctly delightful aspect of the fabulous terracotta ornamentation of the Kantaji Temple is its restraint in depicting erotic scenes. In this, it is unlike Orissan and South Indian temples.

The endless panels of terracotta art embellishing the wall surface of the Kantaji temple, have a life and vitality of their own and are deeply imbued with the spirit nourished for thousand years on the silt-laden soil of Bangladesh. In a country like Bangladesh, being formed by enormous volumes of fertilizing soft alluvium, the development of an indigenous terracotta art was a logical outcome, given the absence of stone. The tradition of this plastic art is rooted in the early historic period, especially during the Pala-Chandra period, when Buddhist temples at paharpur (Pahadpur), mainamati, bhasu vihara, Sitakot and other monuments were enlivened with floral and figured terracotta art. These plaques are however, large and usually archaic, but the terracotta embellishments on the Kantanagar temple walls are of totally different nature. They represent a highly sophisticated mature art with a very carefully integrated scheme of decoration. Contrary to the earlier tradition of isolated and somewhat unrelated composition, the art in this temple was composed of several individual plaques, integrated into an extended composition so that the entire space followed a rhythm. The effect often is more like a richly decorated carpet or embroidered tapestry than an architectural composition.

Dhanmondi Lake in Dhaka









Caption : Dhanmondi Lake's pictures


Dhanmondi Lake

Dhanmondi is one of the most crowded and planned areas in Dhaka city & Dhanmondi Lake area is one of the city's prime green spots and everyday many people visited the area.

It is situated in the middle of dhaka City. Originally Dhanmondi Lake was an abandoned channel of the 'Karwan Bazar Nadi' previously known as the 'Carevan River', whose alignment was possibly along Begunbari Khal-Green Road-Kalabagan-Dhanmondi Lake to the turag river. Part of this lake still functions as a storm water drain and falls into the Begunbari Khal. Expansion of urbanisation in this area during Pakistan period has changed the natural water system in this place. Dhanmondi residential area was developed in 1956 with 240.74 ha of land including the lake. The lake is about 16% of the total area of Dhanmondi and has been playing a vital role in maintaining the only drainage system of Dhanmondi and adjacent areas. It also shows some trellis pattern together with the dendritic pattern of drainage system. The lake offers attractive panoramic views to many thousands of people who live in the vicinity.

The lake has become a well visited tourist spot, with cultural hubs such as the Rabindra-Sarobar located along its side.

Beginning from Jigatola the lake extends up to Road # 27 (new l6A), and bounded by the Mohammadpur-Lalmatia area in the north, Satmasjid Road in the west, BDR (bangladesh rifles) Gate (Dhanmondi Road # 2) in the south and in the east by Kalabagan residential area. It is 3 km in length, 35-100m in width, with a maximum depth of 4.77m and the total area of the water body is 37.37 ha.

The lake is under the management of several authorities looking after its various aspects. The Ministry of Works has its ownership; the Fisheries Department looks after fishery development the Dhaka city corporation being the principal civic body, exercises some responsibility in its improvement. The Department of Environment looks after the aspects of proper environment and protection of aquatic resources of the lake.

Dhanmondi is well known for its lake. The lakeside walkway is one of the most popular destinations in Dhaka and is usually crowded with people during the evenings. One of the more prominent features of the lakeside walkway is the Rabindra Sharabar, an open air amphitheater near the Road 8 bridge, where dramas, concerts, and various cultural programs are held from time to time by both amateur and well known artistes, especially during major festivals and holidays.

Dhanmondi Lake area is one of the city's prime green spots and everyday many people visited the area.

Friday 31 July 2009

Cinema of Bangladesh


Cinema of Bangladesh

The Bangladeshi film industry has been based in Bangladesh's capital, Dhaka, since 1956. As of 2004, it produced approximately 100 movies a year, with an average movie budget of about 6,500,000 Bangladeshi taka.

History

On April 24, 1898, the Bengali weekly Dhaka Prakash reported that films were shown in Dhaka by the Bradford Bioscope Company at the Crown Theatre in Patuatuli near Sadarghat. The show included news items and other short features. The first permanent cinema in Dhaka, named Picture House, began operation during 1913–1914. This cinema was renamed to New Picture House and then again to Shabistan. By 1947 there were around 80 cinemas in what is now Bangladesh.

The first Bengali organization for producing and exhibiting films was the Royal Bioscope Company, established in 1898 in Calcutta by Hiralal Sen. Although feature films were made in Bengali as early as 1919 (Bilwa Mangal), most production was done in Calcutta. The Nawab family of Dhaka produced Sukumari (1928–1929) and The Last Kiss (1931).

After the partition of India in 1947, the first film made in East Pakistan was a newsreel about the visit of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, produced in 1948 by the radio broadcaster Nazir Ahmed. The first full-length feature film with sound made in East Pakistan was Mukh O Mukhosh, which was produced by Abdul Jabbar Khan and released on August 3, 1956. Editing, printing and all other film processing for this movie was done in Lahore, Pakistan.

The East Bengal Provincial Assembly established the East Pakistan Film Development Corporation (EPFDC) on April 3, 1957. The first film produced by this organization was Asiya (The Life of a Village Girl, 1960), directed by Fateh Lohani. During the late 1960s, between 20 and 35 films were produced each year. Production quantity continued to increase after Bangladesh gained its independence on December 16, 1971; in 1979, for example, 51 films were released, and in the 1990s over 90 films per year were released. One of the first films produced in Bangladesh after independence was Titash Ekti Nadir Naam (A River Called Titas) in 1973 by acclaimed director Ritwik Ghatak, whose stature in Bengali cinema is comparable to that of Satyajit Ray and Mrinal Sen.

Recently, the Bangladeshi film industry has faced increased competition from foreign films, satellite TV, home video, and other sources. Viewership of Bangladeshi films has dropped, and the industry has been criticized for producing low-quality films whose only appeal is that of sex, violence, or melodrama.

Although the majority of the films made in Bangladesh are strictly commercial in nature, a handful of directors from Bangladesh have attained critical acclamation for their outstanding work. Zahir Raihan, Khan Ataur Rahman, Salahuddin, Alamgir Kabir, Amjad Hussain, Moshiuddin Shaker, Sheikh Niyamat Ali, Humayun Ahmed, Morshedul Islam, Tanvir Mokammel, Tareque Masud are among those prominent directors. Bangladesh has been officially submitting nominations for the Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film from 2003. Masud's Matir Moina (The Clay Bird) was the first film to be submitted, and won a number of other international awards from the Edinburgh, Palm Springs, Montreal, Marrakech, Cairo and Cannes Film Festivals. Another internationally acclaimed filmmaker from Bangladesh is Morshedul Islam, who won major awards at the International Filmfestival Mannheim-Heidelberg and other international film festivals.

Friday 24 July 2009

The politics






The politics

The politics engaged in by students which may mean street protests, sit-ins, or a student strike. Examples of this are the Opposition to the Vietnam War in America, the student revolt in Paris, May 1968, the Iranian students' participation during the Iranian Revolution, 1979, the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa, or the Vandals, Ghana. The level of politics that is entirely occupied by students. This could mean student body elections and competing in student union elections or positions on academic or administrative boards for universities or colleges.

Student Politics gave a new dimension to Bengal politics in the early twentieth century. The revolutionary terrorist movement, swadeshi movement and the non-cooperation movement made student politics institutionalized in the first quarter of the 20th century. But it cannot be asserted that there was no student politics in the nineteenth century. The young bengal movement was an act of students, though it was essentially an intellectual response to western education. Non-conformism was their hallmark. But the Young Bengal group also addressed social and other issues which later became a part of politics. In early 1870s, surendranath banerjea formed an association of students with an object of infusing nationalist feelings among the Indians. During the same period, ananda mohan bose invited students to join politics, and he held political classes with students. But the existing political, economic and social conditions and most importantly, disciplinary styles of school and college authorities, debarred the students from showing interest in politics. Qualifying oneself by some education for a job under the colonial government was the highest ambition of students of all classes until the end of the nineteenth century.

The incentive to student activism from the early 20th century came from the nationalist movement launched by the western educated middle class. Despite their involvement in nationalist politics, the Bengal students did not have an organization of their own until 1928 when All Bengal Students Association was formed at the Congress initiative with Promode Kumar Ghosal as president and Birendra Nath Das Gupta, a student of Jadavpur (National) Engineering College and editor of the Chhatra (student) as secretary. The launching ceremony of the organization was presided over by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. subhas chandra bose was present as guest speaker. The constitution of the organization was modelled on that of the indian national congress. It provided for a central council and a nineteen-member working committee. Though not mentioned in its constitution, the All Bengal Students Association was ostensibly the student wing of the Congress.

In the political activities of the 1920s, Muslim students were almost totally absent. Muslim parents and politicians were in favour of keeping their wards away from politics. However, inspired by the Congress sponsored All Bengal Students Association some Muslim intellectuals of Dhaka felt to have a student organization of their own. So, there was a Muslim student conference at Dhaka on 12 July 1930. Dr muhammed shahidullah of Dhaka University was authorized to form a Muslim student association which was formed in 1932 styled as all bengal muslim students' association. Its declared aim was not to join political activities. Earlier, Lt. Col. H. Suhrawardy, the Vice chancellor of Calcutta University urged upon Muslim students to eschew politics.

But it was very evident that All Bengal Muslim Students' Association was guided by Muslim political leaders. Muslim politicians of various factions had tried to establish their control on the association. Thus the students of Taylor Hostel and Carmichael Hostel expressed their loyalty to two different parties, muslim league and krishak praja party respectively, though they belonged to the same association. The elections of 1937 much intensified the process. Mohammed Ali jinnah established an all India based student association called All India Muslim Students Federation in 1937. Its Bengal chapter was opened in Calcutta in the same year. Until the elections of 1937 few students were interested in these politically sponsored associations.

But since the elections of 1937 and the increasing expansion of the Muslim League spreading over Bengal under Jinnah, students tended to follow the Muslim League leadership. The houses of the Ispahanis of Calcutta and the Khwajas of Dhaka were instrumental in bringing the student politics under the firm control of the Muslim League. The Bengal chapter of the All India Muslim Students Association was renamed in 1938 as All Bengal Muslim Students League. The reorganized party was headed by Abdul Wasek of Dhaka. Shamsur Rahman of Jessore became its general secretary. It was this Muslim Students League that could draw a large number of student support from East Bengal. Its patron was the Nawab of Dhaka. It was the Muslim Students League which had organized the student participation on a large scale in the pakistan movement.

The influence of the Khwaja family on the Muslim Students League eroded after the partition, particularly after Jinnah's pronouncement on the state language issue in 1948. The anti-Khwaja faction of the Muslim League broke away from the All Bengal Muslim Students League, and established East Pakistan Muslim Students League in 1948. This Students League spearheaded the language movement that began in that year. The contribution of students to this national issue is well known and well recognized. Student politics did not, however, subside after the language question was settled. The new post-partition politics created as many students' factions as there were political factions among the national politicians. Every political party or faction tried to float its own students' wing to organize crowds for it. Established in 1952, the East Pakistan Students Union was formed to promote left politics in East Bengal. Students' Force and National Students' Federation were later established to support various factions of the Muslim League and other rightist factions operating before and after the martial law of 1958.

The most crucial, and possibly the most glorious phase of student politics was the period from 1968 to 1971. Under the political setting of the early 1960s, most of the political parties got fragmented into various factions and with them the student parties were also segmented. The sub-division and fragmentation of student organizations made their public image highly dubious.

Then came an epoch-making turn in the history of student politics from 1966. The six-point programme launched by sheikh mujibur rahman and his subsequent imprisonment and implication in the agartala conspiracy case helped students' organizations forge an unprecedented unity among themselves in support of six-point and demand for release of Sheikh Mujib from jail. To realize their goal, all student organizations formed a common platform called Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad (All Parties Students Resistance Council) in January 1969, and presented an eleven point charter of demands embodying in it both nationalist and socialist ideals. Initially the Parishad supported the Six-point movement, but later the student leadership developed the idea of making Bangladesh an independent country on the basis of Bangali nationalism. In its nationalist sense, the term Bangladesh was coined by the Parishad leadership. They also coined the nationalist slogan, Joy Bangla and all the associated nationalist slogans and symbols.

The great mass upsurge of early 1969 which forced mohammad ayub khan to withdraw the Conspiracy Case and release Sheikh Mujib unconditionally, was primarily mobilised by the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad which in fact emerged as the major political force in the country. On his release from jail, Sheikh Mujib recognized their influence by publicly accepting the honour of the title 'Bangabandhu' from the Parishad.

Students politics, for the first time in its history, acquired an independent status and possessed independent political thought to pursue. After 1 March 1971, Parishad went ahead with the implementation of its nationalist thought, Bangali nationalism and Bangladesh nationhood. They raised Bangladesh flag on 2 March 1971. Next day they held a mammoth public gathering at Paltan Maidan and proclaimed independence and declared Sheikh Mujib the Father of the Nation. At the same meeting was also adopted the national song 'Amar Sonar Bangla'. Since then their programmed was to prepare the people for a war of liberation. Their aspirations found expression in the seventh march address of Sheikh Mujib.

Under the banner of the Six point politics, the Parishad had organized the non-cooperation movement from March 2. The public support to the nationalist movement of students was so massive and Bangabandhu's image was so pervasive that a symbiotic relationship developed between the Six-point and nationalist politics. It seemed to be the understanding that if six-point failed, Joy Bangla nationalism must prevail.

The military crackdown of 25 March 1971 at midnight gave an instant and automatic validation to the declaration of independence made by students on 3 March 1971. The declaration of independence was virtually the confirmation of the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad's earlier proclamation of independence. It must be noted that mujibnagar government duly recognized the nationalist prose and idioms of the Sangram Parishad.

The astounding performance of student organizations during the war of liberation is universally recognized and well documented. That the students emerged as an independent political force is well attested by the role of students during the early post liberation period. Students could not agree with all the policy measures of the post liberation government. Their opposition to the government took the shape of forming a new student organization called Jatiya Samajtantrik Chhatra Dal. The government found it difficult to contain student unrest in spite of taking many hard measures taken against the agitating students.

Though they again showed their unity and might in the struggle against the regime of hussain muhammad ershad and contributed to his eventual ouster in 1991, the image of student politics since that time began to erode fast. Various factors may be attributed to it. First is the loss of independence of student politics. Increasingly student organizations were becoming subservient to various political parties to which they had their affiliations. Affiliation degenerated into a patron client relationship. In order to establish their control over student fronts, the major political parties and their factions began to enlist even non-students into the leadership of student organizations. The non-student leaders of various student organizations were used in intra and inter party political rivalries in which, more often than not, even firearms were used.

The legacy of War of Liberation could not be turned into a national vision for a transformation and progress. Training in firearms was utilized in eliminating the rival groups or individuals. Political murders and other crimes committed by the armed cadres of various student parties contributed to the rapid fall of the image of student politics in the public estimation. Consequently, a public sentiment is now growing in favour of abolishing student politics altogether.